Drawing on two examples from Central Java, Indonesia, this article shows the importance of looking at the local agricultural systems and at the local food cultures when trying to achieve food security and an adequate nutrition.

Even though villages may be self-sufficient in terms of food quantities, beating malnutrition depends also on the quality and variety of their food intake. These two examples show therefore the importance of first looking at the local food systems and at local crops, as they may provide the solution to the problems faced by the rural population. To that end, local knowledge becomes very important and should not be ignored, and local innovation needs to be encouraged. (published in LEISA Magazine • 23.3 • September 2007)

Hira Jhamtani, Purnomosidi and Putu Anggia Jenny

As part of the Green Revolution, many villagers throughout Indonesia were encouraged to convert their lands into monoculture rice. Rice production was strongly promoted, leading to impressive results on a national scale. Its consumption has also been encouraged as part of various governmental programmes to tackle malnutrition. Many villagers were introduced to the white, polished grains of different high-yielding rice varieties in 1994 when the national government provided them as part of its “Pre-Welfare Family Programme”. This was then replaced by the “Rice for the Poor” programme, through which the government decided to provide subsidised rice to poor families following the economic crisis of 1997-1998. Today, a poor family is entitled to buy 20 kg of rice per month, at Rp. 1000/kg, which means each family would spend Rp. 20 000 per month (approximately US$ 2.20).

In Giyombong, however, many families prefer not to buy rice but to feed themselves from their land. This is a village in the district of Bruno, in central Java, approximately 65 km west of the city of Yogyakarta. Villagers prefer not to take advantage of the “Rice for the Poor” programme as food habits in Giyombong are different to those in the majority of the Javanese communities. For generations, leye, or processed cassava, has been the main staple food, and rice is only eaten during festivals, or served when guests arrive. “If I eat polished white rice for breakfast, I get hungry again by 11 a.m.”, says Pak Cipto, a villager. “But if I eat leye, I can work in my field until 1 p.m. with a full stomach”.

Leye and food self-sufficiency

Giyombong is an excellent example of a community that is selfsufficient in food, thanks to a diversified production system. Local production and consumption relies on local resources, and is not dominated by rice. Villagers plant four varieties of cassava, locally known as Palengka, Randu, Lanteng and Tela Pait or Jawa Ireng. These are planted all over their lands, in rotation with dryland paddy (gogo rice) in the rainy season, and in combination with vegetables and other root crops such as sweet potato, ginger and taro during other seasons. Cassava is planted on almost one quarter of the land owned by each family, and is harvested as and when needed.

Crop rotation is managed in such a way that there is always production when a family needs food or money. Farmers plant perennial and/or annual crops at the beginning of the rainy season (ginger, vegetables and gogo rice), after which they grow cassava. In the next season, the cassava can be harvested and the fields replanted with vegetable crops. Gogo rice is planted in areas where some trees are grown (making sure that enough sunlight reaches the rice plants), or in combination with cassava crops. Rice is planted at the beginning of the rainy season and harvested after 7 months.

Eating leye began during the colonial era as a strategy to survive the forced cultivation policy forced by the Dutch colonial masters on villagers. Each family was obliged to plant crops for export on 2/3 of their lands for the benefit of the colonial rulers. Thus food crops could be planted only on 1/3 of the land of each farmer family. In Giyombong, farmers made sure they had enough to eat by cultivating rice, cassava and vegetable crops on the limited land. They soon found out that cassava made into leye can be a rich source of carbohydrate, and that it can be stored as a guarantee against harvest failures.

The main difference with many other villages has been, however, that the government’s irrigation and improved agriculture programmes did not reach Giyombong – probably as a result of its isolated location, and to the general difficulties to reach it (a good access road was only finished in 2002). Not being reached by the conventional development programmes explains the villagers’ efforts to achieve food sufficiency. The integrated farming system, the local production of cassava and the technology to process leye, and the fact that gogo rice is kept in the barn and not sold, all guaranteed local food sufficiency in Giyombong. Villagers say that they faced food shortages during the 1960s, when wild boars destroyed their cassava crops, but since then they have always had food.

Improving the local diet

Improving the nutritional status of the population is the objective of both governmental and NGO programmes. But rather than encouraging the consumption of one crop, promoting a diverse local food supply, accessible to poor households, has proven to be a simple and successful way to tackle malnutrition. The diversity of crops in organic fields, coupled with rotation crops of minor economic value but high micronutrient and protein content, can easily enrich household diets and health. Many sustainable agriculture interventions use underutilised seeds and breeds for their better resistance to pest, diseases and climatic stress. The re-introduction, selection and improvement of locallyadapted varieties makes an invaluable contribution to solving micronutrient deficiencies.

The preparation of leye
Leye is made from the Jawa Ireng cassava roots. This cassava has a bitter taste if eaten without being processed. The roots are cleaned, cut into 0.5 cm thin strips and then soaked in water for two nights. The water is changed and the strips are soaked for another night. The best way is to soak them in running water at the river or local springs. Next, the strips are dried in the sun during the dry season or over the heat of the cooking stove in the rainy season. It takes about two days for the strips to dry, after which they are kept in a bamboo basket for another night. The strips are pounded into powder and then made moist with hot water; the dough-like mixture is run through a colander to get round shapes, the size of rice grains. The leye grain is half dried in the sun or on top of the cooking fire after which they are steamed and ready to eat. If leye is to be kept for reserve food supply, the grains are fully dried again in the sun or over the cooking stove, and can be stored for up to one year. Roots from 3 or 4 cassava plants are sufficient to make leye for a family, per day.

Roots are harvested when the plants are 1-2 years old. Families normally eat leye for two to three days consecutively and then eat rice for one day. Each family has a food barn, called grobog, in which they store dried gogo rice, corn and leye, and sometimes also cassava crackers. A grobog is a box made of wood that is kept in a dry area in the kitchen. Depending on their needs, villagers often barter leye with gogo rice between each other: two kilograms of leye are exchanged with one kg of rice.

Such an approach was used by Gita Pertiwi, an NGO based in Solo (Central Java) to reintroduce underutilised local beans in the village of Tegiri, and thus diversify production and consumption. Since the 1980s, the Green Revolution approaches introduced by the government changed the integrated, organic agriculture system which was prevalent in this village. Farmers became dependent on high yielding varieties, pesticides and synthetic fertilizers, all of which, in the long term, damaged the soil and decreased productivity. With the monoculture system, farmers cultivated less and less beans or other crops, concentrating only on rice.

Sorting and cleaning beans in Solo.  Photo: Gita Pertiwi
Farmers were aware that no organisms such as worms and microorganisms can live in damaged soils. Gita Pertiwi’s initial intervention was in the area of soil conservation by reintroducing organic manure to the farmers. It also worked with women farmers group to introduce integrated pest management, making organic manure and natural pesticides. One way of improving soil structure was to reintroduce local legume crops. Identification activities by the Gita Pertiwi staff, together with farmers and students and lecturers of the local universities, found 32 local bean varieties in the area around Tegiri.

The women farmers in the group began to realise the problems of synthetic fertilizers and pesticides. They were also helped to observe the condition in which their soils and crops were found, the presence of pests and the need for water. The NGO staff analysed the problems involved in re-introducing local beans, as an essential first step. Among these, they identified not having enough seeds available, the presence of toxins in some bean species (a potential danger for livestock), or the fact that processing some beans for food is tedious and that the younger generation has no patience. Another important aspect was that some legumes do not sell in the market, while other crops have higher market value.

To overcome these problems, field staff of Gita Pertiwi decided to upgrade their skill in processing beans, try to find older farmers who still have bean seeds and who would know about bean planting and processing for food. They also worked with local universities to generate other relevant knowledge and innovation. After several planting seasons, the women participants began to acknowledge the advantages of a more diverse cropping system. Recognising that local beans thrive with little water, they began to plant corn and local beans in the  dry season. Local beans were also cultivated on the ridges of the wet rice fields during the rainy season. Experience also showed that beans are also good as green manure, and they can provide protection for corn and rice seedlings.

The integration of beans into the local agriculture had health and economic benefits. Since women were involved, they used the beans to ensure a diverse diet for the family and improve nutrition. The extra beans that they have are sold in the local market once a week, thus increasing the household income. Local underutilised beans (locally known as koro) contain proteins that are comparable to the more popular soybean. Many of these beans can be eaten when still young and green, or the dried beans can be made into tempe(fermented bean cake) and snacks, even sweet sauce, replacing the conventional sweet soy sauce. An example is the koro glinding (Phaseolus lunatus), that can be processed into sweet sauce (like soya sauce). Finally, Gita Pertiwi also produced and shared cooking recipes using these beans, but based on the local food systems.

An alternative to the conventional approaches

The examples from Central Java show the importance of looking at the local agricultural systems and at the local food cultures when trying to achieve food security and an adequate nutrition. Even though villages may be self-sufficient in terms of food quantities, beating malnutrition depends also on the quality and variety of their food intake.

These two examples show therefore the importance of first looking at the local food systems and at local crops, as they may provide the solution to the problems faced by the rural population. To that end, local knowledge becomes very important and should not be ignored, and local innovation needs to be encouraged.

References
– Brandt, K., 2007. Issue paper: Organic agriculture and food utilization. Paper presented at the International Conference on Organic Agriculture and Food Security. FAO, Rome.
– Widianarko, B. et. al., 2003. Menuai polong: Sebuah pengalaman advokasi keragaman hayati. KEHATI Foundation and Gita Pertiwi, Jakarta, Indonesia.